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STIRRING UP THE WAR SPIRIT 

REMARKS 

HON. JfHAMPTON MOORE 

u 

OIF PENNSYLVANIA 
IN THE 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

FEBRUARY 6, 8, 10, AND 13, 1917 






81044—16995 



WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

1917 



276 /f- 

.MOT. 



REMARKS 

OF 

HON. J. HAMPTON MOORE, 

OF PENNSYLVANIA. 



February 6', 7.9/7. 



The House in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union 
had under consideration the bill (H. R. 20632) making appropriations 
for the naval service for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1918, and for 
other purposes. 

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. 
Moore] is recognized. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, for many years 
I have been urging the improvement of waterways along the 
Atlantic seaboard with the view of preparing this country for 
just such an emergency as now confronts us. It may be that 
it will be found extremely advisable before this war preparation 
is over to make appropriations, and liberal appropriations, for 
the opening up of the miserable canals that now hinder and 
endanger our war craft along the Atlantic seaboard. It may lie 
that gentlemen who have been talking economy on this line will 
be singing another song if it shall be found in the " bottling " up 
of our ships that we have not prepared ourselves in this regard. 
Gentlemen talk economy now after the President of the United 
States has been here to stir us up on this question of putting the 
country in condition. The gentleman from Texas [Mr. Calla- 
way] and the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. Ragsdale], 
differing with their President and their party, still harp upon 
economy, and the gentleman from New York [Mr. Fitzgerald] 
harmonizes for a moment with them, when the gunboats of the 
United States are said to be hovering around the port of New 
York, fearing that some enemy may blow up one of the bridges 
across the East River and impede navigation for years to come. 

Mr. RAGSDALE. Will the gentleman pardon me? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Not just now. The gentleman 
is talking economy in spite of the recommendation of his Presi- 
dent and in spite of the recommendations of the Secretary of the 
Navy and the Secretary of War. 

Mr. RAGSDALE. The gentleman knows that statement is 
not true, if he listened to what I said. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I heard the gentleman say that 
this was not the time to indulge in this expenditure for antiair- 
craft guns. 

Mr. RAGSDALE. But expend it in some other way and in 
proper form. 

2 81044— 1G995 



D, of D. 
APR 25 1917 



5 



Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. If my memory is not awry the 
gentleman also contended that there could be no possible inva- 
sion of this country by aircraft. 

Mr. RAGSDALE. From Germany at this time. 

SUBMARINES CAN CEOSS THE SEAS. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I do not care from where The 
gentleman is evidently protecting himself behind the 3,000-mile 
ocean limit, but yet the gentleman knows that Canada is on the 
border. 

The gentleman has himself seen or, if not, he has read of 
the visitation of the DeutscJiland. He knows that 3.000 miles 
is not impossible for a submarine. He has already witnessed 
what he did not believe, that the submarine can come across 
the ocean. The gentleman may find that even the strong line 
ot English battleships may be penetrated some day and that 
aircraft may be landed on the Canadian coast. The gentleman 
talks about Germany. He does not have to worry about Ger- 
many any more than he has to worry about the* other great 
countries of the world. Canada is being prepared to take care 
of itself, and if the gentleman will study the facts he will find 
that in the matter of canals and approaches to the cities and 
in rivers and waterways Canada these last few years has put 
itself far in advance of the United States. It might be well to 
consider the Canadian border. 

¥/• ?A£ SDALE - Wm the gentleman permit a question' 
Mr MOORE of Pennsylvania. There is a possible vantage 
ground for submarines and for aerial fleets. And thev might 
come from the Mexican border. We have not quite captured 
Mexico yet. We are discussing a bigger war than the war 
conducted with Mexico, I would say to the gentleman, but it 
is possible that some of these aircraft may come from over the 
Mexican border, as well as from the Canadian border or thev 
might come from ships at sea. The British line on the ocean 
or our own line of ships might be penetrated. We can not tell 
Yet the gentleman would stand unprotected against these hostile 
aircraft for a paltry $3,000,000. The Department of the Navv 
comes to this House and asks for this appropriation to properly 
prepare itself. We can not get ready in a month; we can not 
get ready in a year. Let us have the money now and get down 
to business. [Applause.] 

******* 
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment to the 
amendment, offered by the gentleman from Tennessee 
The amendment to the amendment was agreed to. 

* * * * * * ' * 

THE GENTLEMAN FROM SOUTH CAROLINA. 

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr 
Ragsdale] reserves a point of order on the paragraph 

Mr. RAGSDALE. Mr. Chairman, a fewminSs ago the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Moore] exhibited a great 
deal of glee in criticizing the gentleman from Texas [Mr Cat la- 
way] and myself, stating that we differed from the Democratic 
administration If we have differed from the Democratic 
administration by asking for judicious expenditures, and that 
they may be expended where they will bring the greatest 



amount of good at the present moment to American commerce, 
certainly we did not disagree with the gentlemen on this side 
of the Chamber and with this administration when we voted to 
provide the taxes that were necessary to carry on the enormous 
propaganda that the gentleman from Philadelphia so gladly 
joins in now unloading on the people of this country. He is 
willing to vote every dollar out of the Treasury that he can, but 
he is unwilling to stand by this administration in voting the 
taxes that are necessary to meet the deficit that he now knows 
exists in the Treasury. 

When the devil was sick, 
The devil a saint would be : 

When the devil got well, 
The devil a saint was he. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. RAGSDALE. The gentleman would not yield to me, and 
he ought not to ask the same courtesy. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I want to correct the gentle- 
man's poetry. 

Mr. RAGSDALE. I want to ask the gentleman to keep quiet, 
as he compelled me to do. He looks beautiful when he is sitting 
down. He is rather noisy when he is on his feet. The gentle- 
man is on his feet so much that it is hard to find him when he 
looks well. He is usually noisy. The gentleman from Penn- 
sylvania [Mr. Moore] speaks of the unjustifiable attacks on 
improvements for rivers and harbors. Why, if the gentleman 
had a memory he would know that I have assisted him in every 
single fight he has made for them. 

I do not think the gentleman can record a single instance 
in which I have ever voted against a river and harbor im- 
provement since I have been here in Congress. I have joined 
the gentleman in voting for river and harbor improvements. 

Mr. KAHN. The War Department has called to the attention 
of the Committee on Military Affairs the fact that it is desirable 
to appropriate for antiaircraft guns and antiaircraft ammuni- 
tion, and the Committee on Military Affairs has undertaken to 
make such appropriations. 

Mr. RAGSDALE. Yes ; but we are not considering that bill ; 
we are considering the antiaircraft guns for the Navy. 

The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from South 
Carolina has expired. 

POSSIBLE EFFECTS OF DIPLOMATIC BREACH. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I move to 
strike out the last word. I do not care to answer the gentle- 
man from South Carolina, except to say this, that if I felt as 
thoroughly satisfied about the impotency of Germany as he does 
I might not vote for any additional appropriations for the Navy 
of the United States. But having recalled the fact that Ger- 
man navigators penetrated the vast ocean and got through the 
lines of the British fleet and landed safely on these shores with 
one little submarine craft — the Deutschland — I do not minimize 
the ability of the German navigator. Having read in the news- 
papers reports of numerous battles in the air between German, 
English, and French, I am not quite satisfied that the ingenuity 
and efficiency of the German aircraft sailor ought to be dis- 
S1044— 16995 



counted. When we talk about entering a contest with Ger- 
many or any other nation we should consider these things. 

If the gentleman from South Carolina is right about the in- 
competency of Germany to reach the Canadian shores through 
British lines, or to reach the shores of the United States direct, 
I would like to know why the President of the United States 
has given us this war scare? My understanding of his address 
was that he came here because Germany made the simple an- 
nouncement that it proposed to throw a line of submarines 
around the British coast. If the gentleman thinks that Ger- 
many is not worth considering in this matter, then I do not 
quite understand why the President of the United States, whom 
we are all expected to support, broke diplomatic relations with 
Germany and then came here to tell us about it. Germany 
seems to have given Great Britain a scare along with the 
United States. 

IF WE GO TO WAE WE MUST BE PREPARED. 

I think, Mr. Chairman, it is high time we got back to the days 
of George Washington and James Madison and Thomas Jeffer- 
son and at least perfected some of the preparation plans that 
they laid down. We have not improved some of the natural 
avenues of communication which they planned, lo, in these 100 
years, and have some canal approaches of great moment now 
that have stood unimproved almost that long. With announce- 
ments that we are going to tax the people $400,000,000 in a 
revenue bill to meet ordinary and some extraordinary expenses, 
and with bills introduced to tax the people $500,000,000 more 
for war purposes, and possibly $500,000,000 beyond that, we 
ought to make some progress in real preparedness. We have 
not now sufficient men to man the ships that we propose to put 
upon the seas to defend the honor of the United States. If we 
must raise the money we can raise it. The people seem to 
have declared for this thing. The cry has gone up to " stand 
by the President." That means expense ; the people understand 
that they must pay if the President is to be supported in this 
crisis. We can not stop short of preparing ourselves with sub- 
marines and with aeroplanes and with guns for both these im- 
plements of war. If we expect to go into a real war we must 
be prepared to meet men already in the field, who are not 
theorists, but who are practical men of war. [Applause.] 
******* 

February 8, 1917. 

FALSE REPORTS FROM LONDON. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, the remarks 
of the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Austin] move me to 
say that, along with him and my other colleagues, I hope to 
see the President sustained in all proper efforts to maintain 
the honor and dignity of this country. We are considering now 
one of the great war bills, and the most of us will vote for it 
even to the limit of those things asked for to sustain the Presi- 
dent. While doing that and considering other war bills, it 
seems to me that we might say to ourselves— whether it is car- 
ried over the telegraphic lines to the people of the country or 
not — that there are many disturbing and conflicting rumors 
concerning war conditions which are asserted to-day and denied 
to-morrow. Yesterday we were informed that an American had 

81044 — 16905 



G 

been killed on the wrecked steamer Turino. His name was 
George Washington, and, of course, it would occasion a patriotic 
thrill the whole length and breadth of the country if it was true 
that George Washington had gone down at the hands of an 
enemy in foreign waters. But the newspapers had their sa> 
yesterday, and they had it again this morning, that this sure- 
enough American was killed, and therefore we ought to go to 
war with Germany. 

Mr. BRITTEN. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Yes. 

Mr. BRITTEN. Did this man have any number? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I do not know. He was an 
individual of color, but his taking off was supposed to be reason 
to cause war. Efforts have been made, desperate efforts have 
been made, since the President was here on Saturday last, to 
prove that we must go to war. The coasts of the world seem 
to have been raked to find some overt act to force the President 
to come in here and ask us to declare war. We have had very 
little but rumors, but we have had headlines galore, all with a 
view of stampeding the House and stampeding the country into 
an act of war. [Applause.] I rose to make this very brief 
statement because I do not want the people of this country to be 
deceived. I am satisfied that most of the people of the country 
want peace; peace with honor, of course. [Applause.] But 
they do not want to go into a dishonorable war, and they ought 
not to be forced into a war by the munition makers or the muni- 
tion users of this or any other land. [Applause.] 

Most of the dispatch headlines declaring that American ships 
have gone down, that American lives have been lost, that inter- 
national laws have been violated have come from London, and 
London has been crazy with delight since it heard the glad tid- 
ings on Saturday last that the President had severed diplomatic 
relations with Germany. Coming from the Liberty Bell and 
Independence Hall district of the United States, I can not for- 
get that we had trouble with London in 1776, and that we had 
trouble with London in 1812. I am not quite ready to accept 
all of these rumors that come out of London now without a 
grain of salt. London is a little more in need of American help 
just now than we are in need of the advice of London. I am 
not quite ready, therefore, to believe every damnable, pernicious, 
and lying report that comes out of London, or to accept it as an 
inducement to declare my country in a state of war. [Ap- 
plause.] 

TRYING TO SCARE THE PEOPLE INTO WAR. 

On the night of the day that the President appeared here 
and informed the Congress of the fact that he had severed 
diplomatic relations with Germany, we had newspaper " extras " 
announcing in startling headlines that the Housatanic had gone 
down in violation of international law; there were great scare 
heads, and boys on the streets shouting it aloud. It was declared 
that American rights had been violated by a country with which 
we were on friendly terms up to that time. Yet the next day's 
newspapers announced in smaller type that the Housatonic was 
loaded with contraband, and even our State Department declared 
that there was no occasion for any warlike declaration in con- 
sequence of her sinking. 
81044—16995 



The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Pennsyl- 
vania has expired. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I ask unani- 
mous consent to proceed for five minutes more. 

Mr. PADGETT. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that 
debate upon the paragraph and all amendments thereto close 
in five minutes. 

The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Tennessee? 

There was no objection. 

The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania? 

There was no objection. 

Mr. GORDON. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Yes. 

Mr. GORDON. Is it the contention of the gentleman that 
because a ship is loaded with contraband, Germany has the right 
to destroy the lives of passengers and crew? 

HUNTING FOR AN " OVERT ACT." 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I made the statement that 
after all these headlines the State Department declared that 
there was no breach of international law. The people were 
being inflamed 

Mr. GORDON. But they did not say it was because the ship 
was loaded with contraband. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I stated what the gentleman's 
own Secretary of State announced to the public — he was not as 
anxious as some newspaper editors are to rush into war. 

Mr. GORDON. I agree with much of what the gentleman has 
said ; but 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I am not arguing the point of 
contraband at all. The gentleman is merely taking my time. 
I am trying to make a plain statement to the House as to the 
truth and the facts. The gentleman may be stampeded because 
certain things appear in the newspapers, but 

Mr. GORDON. Oh, don't you worry about my being stam- 
peded. [Laughter.] 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I am making the statement 
that we see alarming headlines to-day indicating that we are 
on the verge of war because some " overt act " has been com- 
mitted, and the next day the whole thing is denied. 

Mr. GORDON. I agree with the gentleman about that. 

Mr. RAGSDALE. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Yes. 

Mr. RAGSDALE. Will the gentleman tell me what he thinks 
the duty of this Government ought to be if the German Govern- 
ment has taken charge of and forcibly restrained by order our 
ambassador in that country? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The gentleman is carried away 
with the headlines. 

Mr. RAGSDALE. No ; he is not. 

THE EXCHANGE OF AMBASSADORS WITH GERMANY. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. If the gentleman will listen, I 
will demonstrate what fools some men are — not like the gentle- 
man from South Carolina, of course — who believe everything 
they read. I was coming to that very point. For three days we 
have heard that our American ambassador, who was on excel- 
81044—16995 



8 

lent terms with everyone in high life in Germany, has " been 
in captivity " and held for exchange. The gentleman believes 
that statement. 

Mr. RAGSDALE. No ; the gentleman does not. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. It is absurd upon its face. 
Though we have had it for three days, this morning's news- 
papers announce that Berlin is in conference with the Ameri- 
can ambassador, that conferences have been going on in Berlin, 
and that the ambassador will be safeguarded out of Germany 
just as we are going to safeguard the German ambassador out 
of the United States. Oh, how easy it is for you to rush into 
war upon the say so of somebody who is interested in hav- 
ing war. 

Mr. DYER. His passports have been issued to him. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The ambassador is going to 
get out safely. Somebody wanted to inflame the American peo- 
ple by declaring that the American ambassador had been held 
in captivity. Absurd ! We have given safe conduct to the 
German ambassador and are sending him home, and the Ger- 
mans have been decent with the American ambassador. But at 
least 2 college professors and about 150 editors, more or less, 
yesterday declared — not that they were willing to enlist, for the 
barracks down here are waiting for men like them to come 
forward and enlist — but they declared in effect that they were 
willing to involve their country in war because " the American 
ambassador was held in bondage in Berlin." This morning the 
newspapers show that those editors and those college professors 
did not know what they were talking about, and that is what I 
am trying to say to the gentleman from South Carolina. The 
plain people should not be fooled. Mr. Chairman, how much 
time have I left? 

The CHAIRMAN. One minute. 

REPORTED SEIZURE OF GERMAN SHIPS UNTRUE. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. In that one minute let mo say, 
and I hope not to be interrupted again, that the Housatonic 
alarm has gone glimmering. The State Department seems to 
concede that the Germans were within their rights and that the 
Housatonic presents no casus belli. The next day we had the 
California sensation. Because this ship bore a good old Ameri- 
can name everybody was made to suspect that it was an Ameri- 
can ship, and that the Germans had perpetrated such an out- 
rage as would force us to go to war. After the sensation had 
thrilled the country we were quietly informed that the Cali- 
fornia was a British ship, sailing under the British flag, and 
that she had been given the warning required by international 
law. But a great deal is made of the fact that one American 
was aboard that ship. He may have been planted there to pro- 
tect the cargo and to involve this country in an international 
w T arf are ; I do not know, but the next day after the newspapers 
had worked the story of the American passenger to the limit, it 
developed that he was taken off the ship to a place of safety. 
It matters not that he was a colored man. 

Mr. BRITTEN. And the ship was armed. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Then, again, Mr. Chairman, 

the report went broadcast over the United States on the day 

after the President addressed Congress, that this Government 

had seized all the interned German ships. These reports were 

81044 — 16995 



9 

tempered here and there with the suggestion that the German 
sailors were endeavoring to destroy the property of their own 
country but nevertheless it was broadly announced that our 
naval officers had seized this German property. I will not stop 
to discuss the moral aspect of this seizure except to say that 
there had been no declaration of war and that it was not clear 
why we should deliberately take this German property and 
appropriate it to the United States. Within a day or two the 
answer came from both the State Department and the White 
House that these German ships had not been seized, and that 
while this Government was taking certain precautions with 
respect to possible impediments to navigation, every courtesv 
was being shown the officers and men in charge of these Ger- 
man vessels. It was evident that some tall lying was done in 
this instance for the purpose of irritating Germany under very 
aggravating circumstances. Somebody evidently 'wanted Ger- 
many to commit an " overt act " that would bring on a war 
We ought to be on our guard against this dangerous " rumor " 
business, whether it originates in London or the United States 

The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Penn- 
sylvania has expired. 

The Clerk rend as follows: 

Maintenance Bureau of Supplies and Accounts : For fuel etc 
fl^OO.OOo'Mn'all/^TSO^OO. 611 " 1118 June 3 °' 1918 ' Sh&11 * 0t eXCeeii 

Mr. Mooke of Pennsylvania, Mr. Ragsdale, and Mr. Callaway 
rose. 

The CHAIRMAN. The Chair will recognize the gentleman 
from Texas, a member of the committee. 

Mr. CALLAWAY. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent 
to insert in the Record a statement that I have of how the 
newspapers of this country have been handled by the munition 
manufacturers. 

SERIOUS CHARGES INSERTED IN THE RECORD. 

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Texas asks unani- 
mous consent to extend his remarks in the Record by inserting 
a ceitain statement. Is there objection? 

Mr MANN. Mr. Chairman, reserving the right to object 
may I ask whether it is the gentleman's purpose to insert a Ion- 
list of extracts from newspapers? 

Mr. CALLAWAY. No; it will be a little, short statement 
not over 2\ inches in length in the Record. 

The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection? 

There was no objection. 

Mr. CALLAWAY. Mr. Chairman, under unanimous consent 
I insert in the Record at this point a statement showing the 
newspaper combination, which explains their activity in this 
war matter, just discussed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania 
[Mr. Moore] : 

"In March, 1915, the J. P. Morgan interests, the steel, ship- 
building, and powder interests, and their subsidiary organiza- 
tions, got together 12 men high up in the newspaper world and 
employed them to select the most influential newspapers in the 
United States and sufficient number of them to control generally 
the policy of the daily press of the United States 

" These 12 men worked the problem out by selecting 179 news- 
papers, and then began, by an elimination process, to retain 
81044—16995 2 



10 

only those necessary for the purpose of controlling the general 
policy of the daily press throughout the country. They found 
it was only necessary to purchase the control of 25 of the great- 
est papers. The 25 papers were agreed upon ; emissaries were 
sent to purchase the policy, national and international, of these 
papers; an agreement was reached; the policy of the papers 
was bought, to be paid for by the month ; an editor was fur- 
nished for each paper to properly supervise and edit informa- 
tion regarding the questions of preparedness, militarism, finan- 
cial policies, and other things of national and international 
nature considered vital to the interests of the purchasers. 

" This contract is in existence at the present time, and it 
accounts for the news columns of the daily press of the country 
being filled with all sorts of preparedness arguments and mis- 
representations as to the present condition of the United States 
Army and Navy, and the possibility and probability of the 
United States being attacked by foreign foes. 

" This policy also included the suppression of everything in 
opposition to the wishes of the interests served. The effective- 
ness of this scheme has been conclusively demonstrated by the 
character of stuff carried in the daily press througout the coun- 
try since March, 1915. They have resorted to anything neces- 
sary to commercialize public sentiment and sandbag the Na- 
tional Congress into making extravagant and wasteful appro- 
priations for the Army and Navy under the false pretense that 
it was necessary. Their stock argument is that it is 'patriot- 
ism.' They are playing on every prejudice and passion of the 
American people." 

******* 

TRACING THE DEATH OF " GEOUGE WASHINGTON." 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I move to 
strike out the last word. I am in favor of this paragraph in the 
Navy appropriation bill, because I think the country ought to be 
fully prepared for any possible invasion; but I think the Con- 
gress ought to be careful about encouraging " rumors of war " 
when war has not actually been declared. Perhaps it would 
be safe to leave this matter to the President of the United 
States and to those who have direct knowledge upon the sub- 
ject. I call attention, however, not only to these false re- 
ports of the Housatonic and about the California, but the 
steamship Philadelphia was reported sunk since the President 
was here, and yet the next day, after these reports had gone 
over the country like wildfire and everybody got excited about 
the Philadelphia, which naturally attracted interest in that 
great city and in the State of Pennsylvania, we found the Phila- 
delphia iiad safely arrived in port, so that report was also in 
error. Now, whether by design or not I do not know, but it 
seems that most of these false reports come from London. 
There seems to be an intense desire there to tell us about Ger- 
man outrages and about American blood shed on foreign ships 
or to find that some American ship has been shot up. This 
colored man, George Washington 

Mr. BARKLEY. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. T will yield to the gentleman. 

Mi-. BARKLEY. But was not there a statement in the morn- 
ing paper that the colored man on that ship was a British 
subject? 

S1044— 16995 



11 

MEDDLESOME " PATRIOTS " SHOULD " SHUT UP." 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I am coining to that. The 
dispatches have made it appear that because of the loss of 
George Washington, an alleged American citizen, we are now 
in position to declare war against Germany. This morning's 
papers have headlines something like this : " Death of American 
on wrecked Turino reported to London. An American negro 
fireman, George Washington was killed, .according to a report 
received to-day when the British steamship Turino was sunk by 
a German U boat in the war zone." 

Now, that is enough to inflame every American 

Mr. FOSS. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I will yield. 

Mr. FOSS. I am very much interested in what the gentleman 
says, but how will the gentleman provide a remedy to stop these 
international thrills which we are receiving, which the publish- 
ers of these newspapers place in their headlines? Would he 
provide for a censorship of the press? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Not at this time. I simply 
urge that the true facts and only the true facts be reported at 
this time when we are at the verge of an outbreak with a foreign 
country. [Applause.] I think it would be better for some of 
the editors to " shut up " when they do not know what they are 
talking about. [Applause.] I think it would be better for some 
of these professional patriots who have determined our inter- 
national relations in advance, and who insist upon adjusting 
our diplomatic affairs in this crisis, to not only " shut up," 
but go tie a rope around their necks, attach an anchor to it, 
and jump into the sea. We could better afford to dispense with 
their meddlesome services than to plunge the people of this 
country into a foreign war. I think it would be far better for 
this country. [Applause.] 

Mr. Chairman, I regret to say it, but we are gradually turning 
over the business of Congress, turning over all our constitutional 
rights, turning over our powers delegated by the people, to a lot 
of editors, theorists, and college professors who are not capable 
of conducting our affairs and to whom we should not abdicate. 

Mr. GARDNER. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I will yield to the gentleman 
from Massachusetts after I have disposed of George Wash- 
ington. [Laughter.] 

The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman has expired. 

THE LOST "AMERICAN " WAS A BRITISH SUBJECT. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. All I can say then is that the 
papers report this afternoon that George Washington, the so- 
called American, is a British subject; that is all. [Applause.] 

Mr. Chairman, under leave to extend I wish to say that so 
many rumors and reports of an exaggerated character have 
appeared during the last few days that even the President, who 
certainly is as much concerned as any other citizen over the 
situation that confronts us, should take notice. We are dealing 
with a serious problem that invites the greatest deliberation. 
We ought not to be made the pawns of designing men in our own 
country or of any foreign power that would drag us into a war 
for selfish purposes. When our President has made up his mind 
that American honor is at stake and that we must enter upon 
a war to uphold it, I have no doubt he will find cordial support 
81044—16995 



12 

in the Congress of the United States, but the President has not 
yet indicated to Congress that the point has been readied where 
a declaration of war has become necessary. Until the President 
does come to this body with such information and facts as may 
warrant further action by Congress, it may not be well to 
aggravate the situation by giving too much credence to the 
untruthful rumors that have been bandied about with the evi- 
dent purpose of finding some reason for provoking a declaration 
of war. At another time I shall extend in the Record, under per- 
mission granted to me, certain observations of Mr. Lincoln when 
he was a Member of the House, with respect to our Mexican com- 
plications in 184S. At present I shall content myself by quoting 
a single sentence from the speech made by Mr. Lincoln January 
12 of that year, when he said : 

When the war began it was my opinion that all those who, because 
of knowing too little, or because of knowing too much, could not consci- 
entiously approve the conduct of the President (in the beginning of it) 
should, nevertheless, as good citizens and patriots remain silent on 
that point, at least till the war should be ended. 

February 10, 1917. 

WHAT IS THE UNITED STATES BUILDING SUBMARINES FOR? 

The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read. 

The Clerk read as follows: 

For the authorized expenses of the Marine Corps Reserve, $25,000. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I move to 
strike out the last word. 

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves 
to strike out the last wind. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I ask the in- 
dulgence of the committee and the attention of the chairman 
to a statement I wish to make in advance of our reaching Ihe 
item. " Increase of the Navy," because when that item is 
reached I presume there will be much discussion upon it. I 
am in favor of the increase of the Navy, but I think this is a 
proper place to put the inquiry that I would like the chairman 
to answer, if he will. 

In the item headed " Increase of the Navy " provision is made 
for "1 submarine tender, $1,900,000; 18 coast submarines, to 
have a surface displacement of about 800 tons each, $1,300,000 
each." I favor these appropriations, and would prefer that we 
should build even more submarines than are provided for in 
this paragraph. But inasmuch as much of the war trouble that 
now beclouds the horizon arises from the use of submarines by 
one of the foreign nations, I would like to know whether our 
understanding, or the committee's understanding, of interna- 
tional law is, that if any foreign nation uses submarines in what 
is reported to be " ruthless warfare," that objection would hold 
against the United States if we should be engaged in war and 
should find it necessary to use submarines? 

Mr. PADGETT. Of course, the gentleman can understand 
that I am not prepared or commissioned to speak for anyone 
except myself. I have no authority to speak for the present 
administration or for any future administration that may be 
in power. I presume I would be authorized to say that the 
Government of the United States, if engaged in war, would 
conduct it along the recognized and proper lines of conducting 
war and would observe all of its obligations and perform all of 
its duties. [Applause.] 
81044— 16995 



13 

INTERNATIONAL LAW STEPS IN. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I am obliged to the chairman 
of the committee for that statement, and if he will listen to 
what I desire to say it may be that he will care to say some- 
thing further. 

Mr. TOWNER. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I yield to the gentleman from 
Iowa. 

Mr. TOWNER. I think the objection to the submarine is 
principally directed toward its use as an instrument of de- 
struction of merchant vessels. Certainly no one has made any 
protest so far against their use as vessels of war against vessels 
of war. and it occurs to me that the gentleman's statement 
is entirely justified when he says we ought to increase these 
rather than diminish them, because we are acting ostensibly 
and with the avowed declaration that these increases in our 
Navy are for defensive purposes. Certainly the submarine has 
demonstrated itself as the greatest and most efficient coast- 
defense instrument of war that has yet been devised. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Will the gentleman hold there 
for a moment? 

Mr. TOWNER. Yes. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I want to finisli this in live 
minutes, if possible. Does the gentleman think that if we should 
make a declaration of war against any nation it would be 
proper for us to use our submarines either for offensive or 
defensive purposes? 

Mr. TOWNER. Why certainly, as against enemy vessels — as 
against vessels of war. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Does the gentleman think it 
would be proper for us to use our submarines to capture - or to 
destroy any other vessels that contained contraband, or that 
were known to be hostile to the United States? 

Mr. TOWNER. I think so clearly ; but the extent to which 
they may be used as against merchant vessels, either of belliger- 
ent or neutral powers, is a very mooted question. 

OBJECT TO GERMANY'S USE OF SUBMARINES. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I understand, and I think the 
gentleman will agree that the whole point in controversy be- 
tween Germany and the United States now is that Germany is 
using submarines, attacking marchantment, armed or contain- 
ing contraband, and that the United States resents that use oi' 
submarines by Germany. 

Mr. TOWNER. As against a neutral power, certainly. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The query then arises, win- 
are we building submarines? Is it merely to keep them afloat. 
merely to harbor our sailors, or are we building submarines, 
with a view of attacking or defending? 

The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Penn- 
sylvania has expired. 

Mr. TOWNER. I ask unanimous consent that the gentle- 
man's time be extended five minutes. 

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Iowa asks unanimous 
consent that the time of the gentleman from Pennsylvania be 
extended five minutes. Is there objection? 

There was no objection. 
81044—16905 



14 

Mr. TOWNER. Again let me say to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania that no one contends that we have not the utmost 
right to use submarines, or that any other nation has not the 
right to use them as vessels of war against vessels of war ; and 
this war has demonstrated that there is no defensive power 
that is equal to the submarine ; because with a navy two or 
three times that of Germany opposed to her, Germany has been 
able to protect her coast and her coast cities absolutely, prin- 
cipally by the use of submarines and the fear of submarines; 
and these that we are appropriating for in this bill are to be 
used, as I say, principally as a defense against vessels of war 
that may be sent to attack our coasts. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Does it occur to the gentle- 
man that sometime in the course of a war in which the United 
States might engage, particularly a foreign w T ar if we should 
be dragged into it, it might be advisable for us to attempt a 
blockade of the ports of a foreign country? 

Mr. TOWNER. That is a question that no one could deter- 
mine in advance, I think. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Would it then be advisable, 
or would it be in accordance with international law, for us to 
send our United States submarines to establish that blockade 
and to maintain it against our enemy's commerce, even if we 
had to sink some ships? 

Mr. TOWNER. Why, certainly ; I suppose we would have the 
same right to use that kind of a vessel of war as we would 
have to use any other kind of a vessel of war to maintain a 
blockade, if under international law it was a legal blockade. 

ONE-SIDEDXESS OF SUBMARINE CONTROVERSY. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I thank the gentleman for his 
expressions of opinion as to international law and as to the 
rights of this Government to use submarines. Now, Mr, Chair- 
man, I believe we ought to construct these submarines, and 
that we ought to construct more of them. Their efficiency in 
naval warfare has been demonstrated. Germany has them and 
is using them very successfully. Great Britain has them and 
is using them to the best of her ability. As between these two 
nations there seems to be no practical difference as to the right 
of either of them to use their submarines, but the United States 
has taken the position that Germany is using her submarines 
improperly. No one has said a word about the manner in 
which Great Britain is using her submarines. The whole sum 
of the contention is that Germany is conducting a " ruthless 
submarine warfare." If Germany has no right to use her sub- 
marines, it may be a fair question to ask why we are building 
them. The United States is building submarines, and most of 
us believe in the construction of submarines; we certainly 
believe we are constructing them for some useful purpose. I 
believe we are constructing them for a fighting purpose, if 
need be. 

• The question arises, why should we continue to construct sub- 
marines at enormous expense if we are not going to use them 
somewhere for offensive or defensive purposes? If we were 
forced into a crisis which necessitated the blockading of a 
foreign port or a crisis which necessitated The defense of our 
own coasts, would we use those submarines in the manner the 
nations now at war use them ; and if we would so use them, 
81044—16905 



15 

what becomes of our grievance against other nations which are 
using them? 

Mr. TEMPLE. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I yield to the gentleman. 

Mr. TEMPLE. If the same use were made of surface vessels, 
sinking merchant ships without warning, by 8-inch or 14-inch 
cannon on battleships, do you not suppose we would make the 
same protest? In other words, it is not a protest against the 
particular weapon, but against the thing that is done by the use 
of any weapon. The invention of a new weapon does not 
change the rights cf neutrals against whom that weapon is 
used. 

ARE SUBMARINES PEACEFUL CRAFT? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I wish the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania [Mr. Temple], who is versed in this subject of 
international law, would take the floor in his own right and 
explain the situation. [Applause.] The question with me is 
this, are we building these submarines merely to have and to 
hold them as an ornament or are we building them with a 
view to using them when some one strikes at us with a mailed 
fist? Will we strike back with a mailed fist or will we wait 
until some question of international law is settled? It will 
take a long while to bring any war to an end if we have to 
confer with the enemy every time we propose to attack him. 

Mr. BUTLER. Mr. Chairman, I ask that the gentleman have 
one minute more and that I may make a statement. 

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania asks 
that his colleague's time be extended one minute. Is there ob- 
jection? 

There was no objection. 

Mr. BUTLER. I voted for this appropriation with the under- 
standing that these weapons would never be used to commit 
unjustifiable murder, and for no other reason would I vote 
for it. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. May I ask the gentleman this? 

Mr. McKENZIE. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent 
that the gentleman from Pennsylvania may have an additional 
five minutes in which to tell the House what his idea of sub- 
marines is and how they should be used. 

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Illinois asks unani- 
mous consent that the gentleman from Pennsylvania may have 
five minutes in which to give the House certain definite infor- 
mation. Is there objection? [After a pause.] The Chair 
hears none. 

THE FIGHTING QUAKER (?). 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. In answer to the gentleman 
from Pennsylvania, I will say that he is a good, sturdy, peace- 
loving Quaker, but he fights sometimes 

Mr. BUTLER. I am not a Quaker. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. A Friend. 

Mr. BUTLER. Nor a Friend ; I do not belong to the society 
of either. I have made that statement in the House 40 times, 
and this is the last time. I would not disgrace those honorable 
people by assuming to belong to them. That is the way I look 
at it. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The gentleman swears by the 
uplifted hand. 
81044—16995 



16 

Mr. BUTLER. I do not swear at all ; I can keep my word 
without swearing. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The gentleman got into the 
House somehow. [Laughter.] 

Mr. BUTLER. I got into the House because my constituents 
sent me here, and I did not ask for any outside help. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The gentleman said he voted 
for submarines, but that there should be no unnecessary blood- 
shed. 

Mr. BUTLER. I did not say that. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. No, unjustifiable murder ; that 
was it. I would like to inquire whether any war is conducted 
on a peace basis; whether they do not kill each other in war? 

Mr. DYER. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has not given 
us that information. 

Mr. RE AVIS rose. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I will yield to the gentleman 
from Nebraska. 

Mr. REAVIS. There has been so much said and written that 
I am confused, and I am asking for information. What does 
the gentleman understand our complaint against Germany to 
l ie — sinking our vessels bearing contraband or sinking our ves- 
sels without warning and without giving the lives on them a 
chance to escape? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The President, when he came 
here on Saturday 

Mr. McKENZIE. Mr. Chairman, a point of order. 

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will state it. 

Mr. McKENZIE. I object to the gentleman's time being all 
taken up in answering questions. He was to proceed for five 
minutes to make a statement to the House, for which I asked 
the extension of time. 

LEADING UP TO A DECLARATION OF WAR. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I think I can answer the 
gentleman from Nebraska in a minute. When the President 
came here and announced the severance of diplomatic relations 
with Germany, he indicated that there had been a breach of 
understanding between the two countries; that Germany had 
given notice of a change of position on the submarine question, 
which the United States did not stand for. It is charged in 
the newspapers that Germany is using the submarines in con- 
travention of international law ; that it destroys vessels ; and 
that human life has been taken in consequence of the destruc- 
tion of the vessels. 

Mr. REAVIS. Was not the breach of the understanding the 
note of Germany indicating that these vessels would be sunk 
without warning? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The original understanding 
was that Germany would cease the submarine warfare she had 
been carrying on, and the President said that notice was given 
by Germany that Germany intended to resume that warfare; 
hence there was such a misunderstanding as justified the send- 
ing home of the German ambassador. 

Mr. GARDNER. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Yes ; for a question. 

Mr. GARDNER Does the gentleman think that the send- 
ing home of the German ambassador was justified or not? 
81044—16995 



17 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Well, the gentleman has a 
certain Anglomaniac notion 

Mr. GARDNER. That does not answer the question. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Why, certainly; if the Presi- 
dent thought there had been such a breach of diplomatic rela- 
tions between the two countries as to justify it, he should have 
sent the German ambassador home. But that does not mean 
what the gentleman has in mind, that that should be followed 
up by a declaration bringing 100,000,000 people into war. 

Mr. GARDNER. Why does the gentleman think that; why 
should he say I think so? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Because the gentleman is one 
of the most warlike of the gentlemen who favored the severance 
of relations 

Mr. GARDNER. Has the gentleman any reason for that 
statement? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The gentleman has made 
speeches indicating it and has offered resolutions. 

Mr. GARDNER. I absolutely deny the statement that the 
gentleman just made, that I think it ought to be followed up 
with a declaration of war. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The gentleman has denounced 
Germany heretofore and indicated that we should break with 
Germany. He has done it in his speeches, and he has gone out 
of his way to force this Congress into discussion of such matters. 

Mr. GARDNER. What is the gentleman from Pennsylvania 
doing now? 

I\Ir. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I am trying to maintain peace 
with honor. The gentleman from Massachusetts has been lick- 
ing the Hohenzollerns. 

The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Penn- 
sylvania has expired. 

WOULD USE SUBMARINES TO FIGHT. 

Mr. SLAYDEN. Mr. Chairman, I have waited patiently and 
listened attentively to the definite information provided for 
in the request of the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. McKenzie] 
about submarines and their proper use. I have some definite 
views— at least I think they are definite— in relation to sub- 
marines and have been trying to express them. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Will my friend yield me half 
a minute of his time? 

Mr. SLAYDEN. I will if the gentleman will use it quickly. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I want to answer the question 
of the gentleman from Illinois in reference to submarines. If 
we were in conflict with a foreign power, like Germany, for in- 
stance, and we had submarines, I would use those submarines 
to beat that foreign power, no matter whether they destroyed 
lives or not. I would fight to win. When nations "are at war 
life and property are subject to destruction. I deplore war and 
would hold out against it until the last, but if my country be- 
comes involved in war I would not expect it to yield because 
somebody got hurt. That is war. 

Mr. SLAYDEN. Of course, Mr. Chairman, that is what they 
are designed for, and we have had some curious information 
or misinformation here with reference to them. 

81044— 1G005 



18 

February 13, 1917. 

The House met at 11 o'clock a. m. 

The Chaplain, Rev. Henry N. Couden, D. D., offered the 
following prayer : 

Almighty Father, look down from Thy throne of justice, 
mercy, and good will upon Thy children everywhere, and inspire 
them with higher ideals, purer motives, and earnest endeavors ; 
that ignorance may give way to wisdom, error to truth, and all 
wrongs be righted ; that peace and righteousness may prevail, 
that the dear old earth may blossom as the rose in every nook 
and corner, and Thy will be done in every heart through Jesus 
Christ our Lord. Amen. 

The Journal of the proceedings of yesterday was read and ap- 
proved. 

AMENDMENT OE GENERAL DAM ACT. 

Mr. ADAMSON. Mr. Speaker, I would like to call up the 
conference report printed in the Record this morning on the 
bill S. 3331. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I make the point 
of no quorum. 

Mr. ADAMSON. Wait a minute. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. How long will it take? 

Mr. ADAMSON. Only a moment. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I withdraw my request for a 
moment. 

•t ***** ■ 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I rise to a ques- 
tion of privilege affecting the honor and dignity of this House. 

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Pennsylvania rises to 
a question of high privilege, which he will state. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, the matter to 
which I desire to direct the attention of the House is of such 
importance that I would like to have a full attendance of 
the Members, but in order to save time for the passage of a great 
preparedness bill I shall not insist upon the point of no quorum 
at this time. [Applause.] It is patent to anyone who reads the 
newspapers 

Mr. BURNETT. Mr. Speaker, a parliamentary inquiry. 

The SPEAKER. The gentleman will state it. 
******* 

The SPEAKER. If the gentleman is going to reserve the right 
and there is going to be debate, the Chair will recognize the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. MANN. I object. 

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Illinois objects. The 
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Mooke] has the floor on a 
question of high privilege. 

QUESTION OF PRIVILEGE. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, as a prelude to 
the question of privilege which I am about to present, I wish to 
say it is apparent to anyone who reads the daily newspapers that 
the war issue is being very much befogged by reports from 
London and that there has been a wonderful change in edi- 
torial sentiment in certain papers during the last six months. 

81044—16995 



19 

The SPEAKER. The Chair would suggest to the gentleman 
that the first thing to do is to state the question of privilege, 
if any, that he has. The Chair will then pass upon that first. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, on February 9 
the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Callaway] asked unanimous 
consent to extend his remarks in the Record, which consent was 
granted by the House. He did not read the remarks, and they 
were not read to the House. They were buried under leave in 
the Congressional Record. I question whether a single news- 
paper in the United States has taken cognizance of the remarks 
of the gentleman from Texas. This, Mr. Speaker, is what the 
gentleman from Texas printed in the Record, and it constitutes, 
as I believe, a question of the highest privilege, involving the 
honor of the House : 

SERIOUS STATEMENT OP THE GENTLEMAN FROM TEXAS. 

" In March, 1915, the J. P. Morgan interests, the steel, ship- 
building, and powder interests, and their subsidiary organiza- 
tions, got together 12 men high up in the newspaper world and 
employed them to select the most influential newspapers in the 
United States and sufficient number of them to control generally 
the policy of the daily press of the United States. 

" These 12 men worked the problem out by selecting 179 news- 
papers, and then began, by an elimination process, to retain 
only those necessary for the purpose of controlling the general 
policy of the daily press throughout the country. They found 
it was only necessary to purchase the control of 25 of the great- 
est papers. The 25 papers were agreed upon ; emissaries were 
sent to purchase the policy, national and international, of these 
papers ; an agreement was reached ; the policy of the papers 
was bought, to be paid for by the month ; an editor was fur- 
nished for each paper to properly supervise and edit informa- 
tion regarding the questions of preparedness, militarism, finan- 
cial policies, and other things of national and international 
nature considered vital to the interests of the purchasers. 

" This contract is in existence at the present time, and it 
accounts for the news columns of the daily press of the country 
being filled with all sorts of preparedness arguments and mis- 
representations as to the present condition of the United States 
Army and Navy, and the possibility and probability of the 
United States being attacked by foreign foes. 

" This policy also included the suppression of everything in 
opposition to the wishes of the interests served. The effective- 
ness of this scheme has been conclusively demonstrated by the 
character of stuff carried in the daily press throughout the coun- 
try since March, 1915. They have resorted to anything neces- 
sary to commercialize public sentiment and sandbag the Na- 
tional Congress into making extravagant and wasteful appro- 
priations for the Army and Navy under the false pretense that 
it was necessary. Their stock argument is that it is ' patriot- 
ism.' They are playing on every prejudice and passion of the 
American people." 

THE ALLEGED " SANDBAGGING " OF CONGRESS. 

Here is where the question of privilege comes in. 

And sandbag the National Congress into making extravagant and 
wasteful appropriations for the Army and Navy under the false pre- 
tense that it Mas necessary. Their stock argument is "patriotism." 
They are playing on every prejudice and passion of the American 
people. 

S1044 — 16005 



20 

That, Mr. Speaker, I respectfully submit, constitutes a ques- 
tion of privilege affecting the honor of the House. If we are 
being " sandbagged " by prejudice or through false commercial- 
istic reports, it is injurious to the House and the country. 

Mr. GARNER. Mr. Speaker 

The SPEAKER. For what purpose does the gentleman from 
Texas rise? 

Mr. GARNER. To make the point of order that the question 
suggested by the gentleman from Pennsylvania is not a ques- 
tion of high privilege under the rules of the House. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. If the Speaker will bear with 
me, I think I can connect this up. 

The SPEAKER. The Chair will ask the gentleman, is he 
rising to a question of personal privilege or a question of the 
highest privilege of the House? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I have no personal interest 
except the welfare of my country. I rise 

The SPEAKER. If the gentleman is rising to a privilege of 
the House, he should introduce a resolution or proposition. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I was about to suggest ■ 

Mr. KITCHIN. I suggest that the gentleman ask unanimous 
consent to use 5 or 10 minutes. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I shall be glad to do that. 

The SPEAKER. The gentleman asks unanimous consent for 
five minutes 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I ask unanimous consent for 
10 minutes, Mr. Speaker. 

THE SUN SAYS LONDON IS " IMPATIENT." 

The SPEAKER. The gentleman asks unanimous consent for 
10 minutes. Is there objection? 

Mr. SLAYDEN. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman permit a 
question before he begins? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Yes. 

Mr. SLAYDEN. Will the gentleman explain what he under- 
stands the word "sandbag" to mean in that connection? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. It means to drive the Con- 
gress into a corner on this war question ; to make us believe 
we are in a state of war. 

Mr. SLAYDEN. Are not the editorial arguments intended to 
influence Congress? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I think so. 

Mr. SLAYDEN. That is what it means. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Unquestionably ; and in fur- 
ther answer to the question of the gentleman I will read one 
article. I can not read many. I will let most of them stand 
aside, because I can not read them in 10 minutes ; but sufficient 
for the present is an article from the New York Sun of Sunday. 

Mr. SHALLENBERGER. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I can not yield. The head- 
lines are these — and it is the headlines that are influencing the 
country : » 

Britain chafes over United States delay. 

Mr. SHALLENBERGER again rose. 

The SPEAKER. Does the gentleman yield? 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I do not. I regret it, but I 
do not unless I can get more time. These headlines continue : 

81044—16995 



21 

What constitutes an overt act? London public and press 
are asking. 

And then : 

Americans are cheered. ^ 

In London — remember, this is from London ! 

Bands play " Hail Columbia," but elation is changing to 
impatience. 

London, gentlemen, seems to be " impatient " because the 
United States is not going into war. The spirit of London as 
translated by these American newspapers is that the United 
Sates unduly hesitates to join Great Britain in the war. 

A PREMATURE DECLARATION OF WAR. 

I will not go on with these editorials, which are urging the 
President and Congress to declare war. Some of them are so 
vicious as to suggest a lack of the American spirit of justice 
and fair play. Every man who reads the newspapers knows 
.the tone and sentiment of these editorials. I will be content 
with that for the present. 

But here is something more to the point than a mere ex- 
pression of opinion. Here is a three-column advertisement in 
one of the great newspapers, and I understand it has gone into 
all the great newspapers of the country to influence public 
sentiment. Under display headlines in large type it reads: 

To the American people : 

Germany is at war with the United States. The repudiation of past 
pledges and the threat to destroy our ships and citizens without warn- 
ing constituted a virtual declaration of war. 

Who says this? The President of the United States? The 
Congress of the United States, which is the only power under 
the Constitution that can declare war? No! Who is it, then, 
that makes this bold declaration to the common people of this 
land that we are now at war with Germany? I have not time 
to read the whole article, but will insert it in the Record. It 
continues : 

It is no longer a question whether there shall be war 
with Germany. There is war with Germany. 

This is underscored. Then the declaration continues : 
The only question is whether our Government shall submit at Ger- 
many's dictation to the outrages of her submarine warfare, or whether 
it shall forcibly defend American property. 

There is no discussion here, mark you, of the right of Ameri- 
can ships to go through an English blockade, no question of 
" the freedom of the seas," so far as Great Britain's domination 
of the seas is concerned. This declaration is a declaration that 
we are " at war with Germany " ; it implies that we must join 
the allies to beat Germany. I regret I can not read it all, for 
several prominent names are attached to this pronunciamento. 
There are quotations from Charles W. Eliot and Nicholas Mur- 
ray Butler. Let them go for what they are worth. These men 
are publicists and are giving information almost daily about the 
manner in which we should govern ourselves. 

MINISTERS OF THE GOSPEL WANT AN OUTBREAK. 

But this advertisement, paid for by somebody, continues : 
President Wilson and the Congress desire assurances of the coun- 
try's backing before declaring war. 
81044—16995 



22 

Who says President Wilson and the Congress are seeking as- 
surances of somebody's backing before they declare war? Let 
us see : 

Telegraph the President and your Congressman, pledging to them 
your loyal support in immediate and vigorous action for the defense of 
the American rights and American honor, and urging formal recogni- 
tion of the state of war already existing between Germany and the 
United States. 

This remarkable war message is signed by the "American 
Rights League " and certain individuals. Fortunately those 
who sign it do not hide themselves under cover of the "American 
Rights League " ; they attach their names to it ; to this volun- 
tary, this diabolical declaration of war against a foreign coun- 
try before the President of the United States or the Congress 
of the United States have acted upon a matter of such grave 
importance to the masses of our people. 

Those whose names are appended to this paper include Dr. 
Lyman Abbot, of New York, and Rev. Randolph H. McKim, 
pastor of a church in Washington, two members of the pro- 
fession which is supposed to teach the doctrine of " Peace on 
Earth." 

God save the mark ! If our good Lord and Savior were to 
come upon this earth to-day and be shown this hasty and bitter 
demand for war by one of His own ministers, or one profess- 
ing to be a Christian minister, I question whether the Rev. 
Randolph McKim would stay in his pulpit in Washington a 
single hour. [Applause.] 

FOREIGN INTERFERENCE IN AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 

I can not go on with this much further ; in 10 minutes I am 
unable to cover the main subject. I wish to observe, however, 
that I am neither pro-German, as some of the newspapers have 
recently insisted, nor am I pro-ally. I am, as this Congress 
ought to be, pro- American [applause], and nothing else. If it 
has come to that point where we must forget the history of 
this Nation, must obliterate the record we have made to attain 
our present position, or if we are to forget that once we sev- 
ered the yoke that bound us and must put that yoke again upon 
our necks, I want to leave these congressional halls forever. 

I have in my hand a little of the information that this House 
should have to better understand this situation. I shall refer 
to it, hoping that somebody upon the other side will introduce a 
resolution in order that we may get additional information 
about the influences that are said to be doctoring the newspaper 
sentiment of the United States in the interest of one of the 
great belligerents, trying to drag us into war that we may " pull 
their chestnuts out of the fire." And that I may not be misun- 
derstood, let me say that I want no dictation from the Kaiser 
any more than I want it from Lloyd George. I want no dicta- 
tion from Lord Northcliffe, the head of the great newspaper 
fraternity of Great Britain, with certain alliances in the United 
States, any more than I would accept it from Von Hindenberg. 
[Applause.] Let it be understood that I want to be free as an 
American Representative — as I assume all of us do — to help 
rule this country as our country and its people ought to be 
ruled, free from any domination in the whole world, and free 
from any mercenaries, whether they be in the pulpit or in the 
banking house. [Applause.] 

SI 044— 16993 



•23 



VISIT OP SIR GILBERT PARKER. 

Among the numerous letters that have come to me in the last 
few days. Mr. Speaker, was one inclosing this interesting mes- 
sage from Sir Gilbert Parker. Sir Gilbert, as you know, is a 
great writer; he is a novelist and an able editorial director. 
Sir Gilbert Parker has been shipping volume after volume into 
the United States to show how friendly Great Britain is with 
this country and how " blood is thicker than water." The argu- 
ment has been that we ought to join forces with Great Britain 
to down Germany and the other nations with which it is in 
conflict. In this circular Right Hon. Sir Gilbert Parker, who is 
now in America and has recently visited the Capital, says : 

"As Sir Gilbert Parker is sailing for America on Saturday, 
January 13, he will be unable to deal with any correspondence 
until further notice. He has, however, made arrangements for 
pamphlets to be sent out during his absence. He begs to thank 
his many correspondents for their kindness and courtesy during 
the past two years and a half, and he hopes to have the pleasure 
of meeting many of them while in the United States. 

" 20 Carlton House Terrace, London, S. W., England." 

My friends in Congress, my pro-American friends who still 
believe in Washington's Farewell Address against entangling 
alliances, my native American friends who feel that this is a 
country worth fighting for and worth having and worth holding, 
I wish to give you a word of caution about every insidious 
story that is cabled from the other side of the water to pro 
voke your passions. Able writers are telling you and your con- 
stituents to get into this struggle, but you want to be sure of 
your ground — sure that you are not serving some selfish pur- 
pose of men or nations — before you break up the peace of the 
United States and plunge us into this bloody controversy. 

RISK ALREADY ASSUMED BY THE GOVERNMENT. 

I admit we have a certain responsibility. We have provided 
in the interest of the great shippers a War-Risk Bureau, which 
is guaranteeing safe conduct to cargoes; cargoes carrying what? 
These little children that are so often discussed as being de- 
stroyed at sea? Are we guaranteeing their safe passage? No; 
with a $5,000,000 fund from our Treasury we are guaranteeing 
the safe passage of munitions ships that are sent across the 
water, not to break a British blockade, not to establish our 
right to trade with Germany or any neutral country. No; we 
are doing this to maintain our trade with only some of the 
belligerents. The maintenance of that trade with a single coun- 
try is the compelling reason with these warlike editorial writers. 
We have a fine opportunity for trade in South America, but the 
seas are not wholly free to us ; our ships have to be O. K'd by 
one of the great powers before American business can be done. 
We can not deal with any neutral nation without the consent 
of one of the great powers which assumes to be " mistress of the 
seas." But we have this Government war-risk insurance chiefly, 
I fear, for the sake of those who are commercially interested in 
the conduct of war, and with the permission and approval of one 
of the great nations. 

THE FINANCIAL INTERESTS INVOLVED. 

And then, again, there is our financial interest. We have 
taken approximately $2,000,000,000 of bonds of foreign powers. 
81044 — 16995 



020 914 091 3 



24 



ur fathers, the 
:a, the Hall ini 
Hall in which \ 



They are scattered amongst our investors, and unless the war 
is successful, unless some of these editorial writers can convince 
us that " blood is thicker than water," so that we shall send 
our boys into this war, the money we have invested in these 
foreign securities may be lost. Great God! Have we come to 
this in the United States, here in the Hall of our fathers, the, 
Hall in which we determined the fate of America, 
which we have fought out our great battles, the 
we have resisted foreign aggression, the Hall in which we have 
dared to stand for our rights from colonial days — has it come 
to this, that because we are told by a great power or by great 
newspapers that money is at stake we must go in and fight a 
foreign war or lose it all? Shall we for this forget our altars 
and our firesides, and shall all of the hallowed- and patriotic in- 
spirations of our country stand for naught? [Applause.] 

Mr. Speaker, I hope some Democrat will introduce a resolu- 
tion to investigate these charges of pernicious editorial activity 
to stir up war and bloodshed as they were presented in the 
Record by the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Callaway]. If that 
be not done, though the session be short, I shall introduce such 
a resolution myself, let the chips fall where they may. [Ap- 
plause.] It is due to honest and patriotic journalism in the 

United States. 

******* 

REPRINTING THE DECLARATION AND CONSTITUTION. 

Mr. BARNHART. Mr. Speaker, I submit another privileged 
resolution, which I send to the Clerk's desk and ask to have 
read. 

The Clerk read as follows : 

House resolution 267. 

Resolved, That there be printed 1,250 additional copies of the pam- 
phlet entitled " Soil Survey of Chesterfield County, S. C," for the use 
of the House document room. 

The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on agreeing to 
the resolution. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, will the gentle- 
man yield for a question? 

Mr. BARNHART. Yes. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I have had it in mind to intro- 
duce a resolution to provide for the printing of 10,000 copies of 
the Declaration of Independence in order that some of the 
people of the United States might reread that document, and 
also for the printing of 10,000 copies of the Constitution of the 
United States. Is the gentleman in position to say whether 
those two propositions would have consideration before his 
committee? 

Mr. BARNHART. Oh, yes. All resolutions of that character 
introduced have consideration before the Committee on Printing, 
and the gentleman from Pennsylvania, if he will introduce his 
resolutions and come before the committee, will surely have a 
favorable hearing and most likely a favorable report. 

Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I thank the gentleman. I 
shall introduce the resolution and ask for the reprinting of the 
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United 
States. It may do some good. 
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